Bangladesh student protesters plan new party to cement their revolution | Parami News

According to interviews with four student leaders, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, ousted by the demonstrators has been urged by 2 main political parties in Bangladesh to hold snap elections but this calls have been rejected and they are weighing a possibility of forming their own party to consolidate reforms.

They would not like the recurrence of those fifteen years when Sheikh Hasina also employed an iron fist rule over the nearly 170 million people of her nation.

Up until June, there were only some youthful demonstrators in their early twenties who decided to protest against a legislation that ensures that only certain people can get jobs from government institutions.

Within few weeks of its brutal response towards anti-quota protestors; Hasina’s regime was done away with due to popular revolt. Single largest outburst since independence from Pakistan in 1971 saw at least 300 deaths. This was called the Gen Z revolution by many as it driven by youth anger for persistent jobless growth, kleptocracy claims and shrinking civil liberties

Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace prize laureate is presently leading an interim government where two senior positions have been given to students.

Over the last three decades or so either Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party or Awami League which has been under the leadership of Hasina have ruled Bangladesh in turn: both are now approaching their eight decade of life span.

Mahfuj Alam, who chairs a committee for liaising with teachers and activists on behalf of the government said student leaders were discussing forming a political party to break duopoly.

The young law student stated that he would give his opinion on decision after about one month while adding that there must be proper consultations with ordinary voters first before making any choice about platform development together with other protest leaders.

It wasn’t reported anywhere what directions these students plan to take in terms their future politics.\newline

“People are really tired of the two political parties. They have trust in us,” said its member at the entrance to Dhaka University’s Arts Faculty.

Another student organizer, Tahmid Chowdhury, who helped unseat Hasina, mentioned that there is a “high chance” they would establish a party. Although he still wants his platform to be developed in line of secularism as well as freedom of speech.\newline

The 24-year-old postgraduate degree holder in religious studies admitted that their group has no other way out apart from starting a political movement.

Apart from forcing other changes in institutions as for example reforming electoral groups like the one which was picked by Hasina several people have hinted that these scholars are not yet prepared to disclose any policies of theirs for future. A substitute Bangladesh where no autocrat or fascist can be returned to is what the entire movement aimed at achieving,” affirmed Nahid Islam, key protest organizer and cabinet member with Yunus’. “That means we need structural reforms, which will definitely take some time.” Islam who also works as the telecommunication minister noted that Awami League and BNP’s requests for new polls this fall were not being taken into consideration by the government.

In addition to others; central bank governor, police chief (who led crackdown on demonstrators) and chief justice were among senior officials forced out by the change in government.

The information that Yunus, who has mentioned that he is not inclined to hold a political position, did not comment on was not returned. The career diplomat and Yunus’ de-facto foreign minister, Touhid Hossain told Reuters the technocrats had not heard about their political plans from students.

“However, we need to know that the face of politics will change because young generations have been excluded from it.”

Yunus is an economist aged 84, whose microcredit programs lifted out of poverty millions of people globally but his administration’s potential remains uncertain.

“The situation we in with this government is totally unprecedented both legally and politically,” said Constitutional expert Shahdeen Malik. “There are no constitutional provisions defining limits as regards this interim government.”

Among over thirty interviewed were key student leaders, opposition politicians, Hasina’s son and adviser Sajeeb Wazed and army officers to gauge how deep the divisions were following protests and what lay ahead with regard to the new government.

Hasina couldn’t be contacted for comment as her son claimed she hoped to return to Bangladesh.

“The political parties are not going anywhere. You cannot wipe us out,” Wazed told Reuters from the United States where he now lives. “Sooner or later either the Awami League or the BNP will be back in power. Without our help without our supporters you are not going to be able to bring stability to Bangladesh.”

‘Stop the violence’

On 19th July during clashes between police and pro-Hasina protesters there was detention of three major figures within this movement: Islam, Asif Mahmud as well as Abu Baker Mojumder.

According to Mojumder himself while in custody he was intoxicated then assaulted by law enforcers who he claimed were working for his removal from office while Hasina wanted him dead.

Mainul Islam, the new police superintendent did not reply any question asked by Reuters for this article.

In the previous incidents, the leaders’ detention led to a decline in the student protests but for this reason they just continued. There was expectation of arrest among the core group of about 24 coordinators who had set up a structure where they were supported by several layers of other student activists, Islam said, having been involved in earlier demonstrations himself.

Missteps by Hasina, meanwhile, fuelled public anger against her.

At that time, students had demonstrated for over a month but mainly within the campuses of public universities only. Then on July 14th Hasina held a press conference. Half an hour into it she called demonstrators as “razakars” while smiling at them. The term is pejorative and refers to those who sided with Pakistan during 1971 war instead of being progenies like many other government employees.

Thereafter arose mass protests all over Bangladesh.

Umama Fatema says that women pupils emerged from their halls of residence at Dhaka University one evening when male protesters arrived there; gates are locked every evening and men cannot escape from those locked gates before nightfall. She also organized female pupils aged 25 there.

“Stop violence”

The private institutions have been included in this week’s escalation of violence from public campuses,” Nayeem Abedin told Reuters. “We had to come out on streets for our brothers.”

The majority of students at such colleges belong to middle class families which expanded rapidly under Hasina’s regime characterized by robust economic growth across much of her tenure.

“It was like a watershed moment,” Islam shared. “Even the private university students, and surprisingly also parents started joining in.”

By the end of that week at least 114 people were killed with several hundred more injured. The scale of the repression even shocked some among the Awami League elite.

“I also told my mother: ‘No, we must call Chhatra League immediately to ask them not to attack, stop violence’” Wazed said without giving details. “That is why we suspended policemen who shot at students.”

While a video went viral online in early August showing two officers killing a student, it led to suspension of at least two officers. Student leaders intend to file lawsuits against abusive police officers and paramilitary forces.

The Supreme Court of Bangladesh which had been effectively appointed by Hasina ruled on July 21st that 93% of state jobs should be open for competition as demanded by students. This continued growing unrest. On Aug. 4, following at least 91 deaths on her watch, Hasina issued an indefinite curfew. The army informed the Prime Minister that evening that it would not enforce it.

“The army chief didn’t want more bloodshed,” disclosed one senior officer who requested anonymity because he wasn’t allowed to speak with media.” “People from all walks of life were joining.”